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BECOME MORE IMPORTANT THAN THE NATIONAL INTEREST
By Ted Gup
For the better part of 25 years I have made my living as an investigative
reporter, ferreting out national secrets and revealing what the
government would not otherwise disclose. So it may seem strange
to hear me say that I worry about our government's ability to
keep a secret. Over the years, CIA covert operatives, members
of Congress, White House officials and Pentagon and State Department
insiders have all shared information with me that carries the
stamp of "secret." Indeed, the ship of state is leaking
and listing badly, so willing are those in possession of secrets
to share them.
The litany of recent abuses is alarming. At Los Alamos, hard
drives containing nuclear secrets went missing for weeks. At
the State Department, a laptop containing super-sensitive information
vanished. At the CIA, a series of spies have wreaked havoc.
It is now common practice for government officials to take home
restricted documents. Even a former CIA director was found to
have placed sensitive operational details on his unsecured home
computer. Most recently, America's ambassador to Israel has been
temporarily relieved of his duties over concerns about his handling
of classified documents.
I think I know why it is that Uncle Sam cannot keep a secret:
Our government's obsession with secrecy has promoted the laxity
in security from which we now suffer. Time and again, the classified
label is wielded so liberally that it has become virtually meaningless.
Many of those charged with protecting the national security seem
utterly desensitized to its strictures. Over the past four years,
in researching a book, I interviewed more than 400 covert CIA
operatives. Each of them could be persuaded to substitute individual
discretion for institutional edict, because they believed the
restrictions were groundless, even ludicrous.
For an example of overclassification, one need look no farther
than the case of Barbara Robbins, a 21-year-old CIA secretary
who was killed by a car bomb in Saigon (now, Ho Chi Minh City)
during the Vietnam War, and whose affiliation with the CIA remains
a state secret. Her father's dying wish was that the agency recognize
her sacrifice. Thirty-five years after her death, the CIA still
clings to the fallacy that she was a State Department employee.
Such smothering secrecy invites mischief. I should know. My
strongest argument when approaching sources has always been that
it defies reason to classify this or that. Indiscriminate classification
disregards common sense and undermines respect for legitimate
secrets - those that pose a real threat to national security.
The cold war left behind mountains of secrets and a mind-set
predisposed to husbanding information, contrary to the principles
of a free and open society. I know that I am not the only beneficiary
of loose security. The nation has its enemies, both foreign states
and terrorists, who can just as easily exploit that contempt for
secrecy.
No one is more hamstrung by the excesses of secrecy than the agencies
and departments charged with safeguarding the nation. During
the air war over Yugoslavia, the CIA selected a single ill-fated
target believed to be the Federal Directorate of Supply and Procurement
in Belgrade. It turned out to be the Chinese Embassy. The operation
was so compartmentalized that the CIA officers who knew it was
an embassy were not consulted.
I've come to see that the pervasive abuse of the classification
process threatens more than national security. Our diplomatic
and military histories are incomplete, our national archives impoverished,
because tens of millions of documents carrying the stamp of secrecy
are beyond the reach of the citizenry. The result: Americans
are burdened with an elliptical grasp of their own history and
an inability to understand other nations' perceptions of them.
A child in the dark will imagine things - creepy, scary things.
So it is with a nation kept in the dark. The obsession with
secrecy has bred a population vulnerable to conspiracy theories
and sinister imaginings. Who can blame those who believe the
CIA was complicit in the assassination of JFK or responsible for
introducing crack cocaine into South-Central Los Angeles? People
were constantly asking me if I was afraid for my life while I
was working on my CIA book, so little did they trust their own
government. What is that same government's response to the rash of security breaches? A knee-jerk call for tighter security. I have no easy answers. But I know that it is easier to stamp something secret than to declassify that same material, and that secrecy has too often been used by those in power to escape accountability. If the country wants to get a grip on its secrets, it must first check its compulsion to lock up everything. As a journalist, I might find my job tougher, but as a citizen, I'd sleep a little easier. SOURCE: This excerpt is derived from the 9 October, 2000, issue of Newsweek, from an editorial column entitled, "My Turn;" the title of the editorial is, "When Everything Is Secret, Nothing Is Safe," by Ted Gup, a professor of journalism at Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland, Ohio. |
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